Dr.
Hàjj Muhammad Legenhausen
After presenting some
background information on the historical climate that gave rise to the
traditionalism of Guenon, Coomaraswamy and their followers, I discuss the major
tenets of this school of thought and offer some criticisms. Although I find much
in the traditionalist critique of modernism to be insightful, and the reverence
of authentic tradition to be inspiring, in the final analysis, traditionalism
seems to be too reactionary and too nostalgic to offer a workable way to move
through and beyond modernity. Its positive theses about perennial philosophy
romanticize the occult aspects of the world’s religious traditions and are
backed by unsupported assumptions, tenuous comparisons based on a prejudiced
selection of materials, and rather wild speculations. In conclusion, I humbly
offer a few suggestions for a
more
balanced view of religion and modernity.
Introduction
In
an interview in 1989, the Yale historian of Christianity Jaroslav Pelikan said:
“Tradition is the living faith of the dead; traditionalism is
the dead faith of the living. Tradition lives in conversation with the
past, while remembering where we are and when we are and that it is we who have
to decide. Traditionalism supposes that nothing should ever be done for
the first time, so all that is needed to solve any problem is to arrive at the
supposedly unanimous testimony of this homogenized tradition.”[i]
Traditionalism is a modern European reaction against
modernism. It has appeared in a variety of religious movements: Jewish,
Catholic, Protestant and Islamic. In what follows, I am particularly concerned
to address a specifically Islamic form of traditionalism that traces itself to
the writings of Rene Guenon and Ananda Coomaraswamy, but it is useful first to
take a brief look at Catholic traditionalism in order to gain a better
understanding of the historical roots of traditionalism generally.
Traditionalism is a paradoxically modern reaction against
modernism whose roots are to be found in 19th century Europe,
especially France. There, Catholic opponents of secularism and modernism
defended a traditionalism based on the authority of the Pope. While there was a
liberal wing of this ultramontanist movement, Pius IX (1846-1878) became
decisively hostile to all liberalism in political and intellectual life after he
temporarily lost the Papal States after the revolution of 1848. Pius” Syllabus
of Errors (1864) proclaimed that the pope “cannot and should not be
reconciled and come to terms with progress, liberalism, and modern
civilization.”[ii] The movement to reaffirm
papal authority culminated in the doctrine of papal infallibility in 1870,
although in that same year the First Vatican Council in its Dei filius
sought to appear moderate by condemning both traditionalism (defined as a denial
of the ability of natural reason to achieve certainty on any religious truth)
and modern forms of rationalism. Despite the wording, Catholicism explicitly
opposed modernism in favor of its own traditions and the authority of the pope.
Catholic opposition to modernism was much diminished after Vatican Council II
(1962-65), but prior to that the Church saw itself as a defender of tradition
against the political and intellectual currents that had swept over Europe. In
19th century England, the Catholic lead in defending tradition became
a controversial issue among Anglicans, with liberals in the Church of England
accusing traditionalists of moving too close to Roman Catholicism. Catholic
sympathy was aroused in England by French clerics who sought refuge in England
after the revolution. Before mid-century, the leader of the traditionalist
Oxford movement, John Henry Newman (1801-1890), converted to Roman Catholicism,
became a priest and was eventually appointed cardinal.
The reaction against modernism in 19th century
Europe took various forms, only one of which is found in the stance taken by the
Roman Catholic Church. Fundamentalist Protestants also began to make use of
anti-modernist rhetoric, especially in the United States. The religiously
conservative stance against modernism also found expression in literature, of
which the best examples are to be found in the poetry of T. S. Eliot (1888-1965)
and in his enormously influential essay, “Tradition and the Individual
Talent.”[iii] Eliot moved from America
to England, converted to the Church of England and supported religious
traditionalism within Anglicanism.
French Catholicism in the 19th century supported
both tradition and monarchy. In the latter half of the 19th century,
French liberals gained the upper hand over monarchists, and imposed a number of
anti-clerical laws. The movement for such anti-clerical laws was instigated by
Leon Gambetta (1838-1882) in his speech at Romans, 18 September, 1878,
containing the famous catchword "Le clericalisme, c”est l”ennemi".
Catholics alleged that such anti-clericalism was due to the influence of the
Masonic lodges.[iv]
The Masons provided an alternative to Catholic traditionalism
based on alleged ancient occult sciences, and in French society they tended to
attract free thinkers and anti-clerics, as well as those interested in occult
speculations.
Nineteenth century France also exhibited a fascination with
the Orient in its art, as is witnessed in the number of French painters who took
up oriental themes, such as Jean-Leon Gerôme (1824-1904), Alexandre-Gabriel
Decamps (1803-1860), Jean Dominique Ingres (1780-1867), Charles Bargue
(1825/26–1883), Leon Bonnat (1833–1922), Jean-Joseph Benjamin-Constant
(1845–1902), Eugène Fromentin (1820–1876), Charles-Theodore Frère
(1814–1888), to mention only a few. [The painting to the right is by Gerôme, oil
on canvas,
35 x 29 1/2 inches (88.9 x 74.9 cm), Metropolitan Museum of Art, NY. This
painting was based on sketches Gerôme made at a mosque during his travels in
Egypt and the Near East in 1876.]
The fascination with the Orient, and the occult and ancient
also helped attract members to the Theosophical Society founded by Madame
Blavatsky, Colonel Henry S. Olcott, and W. Q. Judge in 1876 in New York City. In
turn, the Theosophical Society published a number of translations from
non-Western religious traditions, including a French translation of the Gita
in 1890, and other works on Buddhism and Hinduism. In 1879, Olcott and Blavatsky
moved to India, where they propagated their faith among Europeans and Indians.
In 1882, they bought property at Adyar, near Madras, and the international
headquarters of the society is still located there. Various national
headquarters were also established in the US and European countries. While in
India, Olcott became a Buddhist and traveled throughout Sri Lanka, where he led
a movement to revive Buddhism. Olcott and the Theosophical Society founded
Ananda College and several other Buddhist schools, and, for this, Olcott is
still revered in Sri Lanka.
It is in the context of this cultural atmosphere that an
esoteric form of traditionalism was developed in the writings of two fascinating
and erudite authors, Ananda Coomaraswamy (1877-1947) and Rene Guenon
(1886-1951).
Ananda Kentish Coomaraswamy was born in Ceylon, raised in
England at his mother”s home after the death of his Tamil father when he was
two, and studied at London University where he was awarded a doctorate in
geology. Between 1906 and 1917 he made frequent trips to India and Ceylon, and
became president of the Ceylon Reform Society, dedicated to the revitalization
of Sinhalese culture, an aim that was also supported to the Theosophical Society
in Ceylon since 1880. He joined the Theosophical Society in 1907. In 1917, as a
conscientious objector to British conscription, he emigrated to the US where he
became curator of the Indian and Asian sections of the Boston Museum of Fine
Arts. Although he published various works in journals and presses of the
Theosophical Society, he was critical of the movement, especially with regard to
the understanding of the doctrine of reincarnation. Nevertheless, it is
generally agreed that his introduction to metaphysical thought and the idea of
an essential unity underlying the mystical traditions of the world came to him
through the Theosophical Society. From 1932 until his death, he concentrated his
energies on writing about what he called the philosophia perennis. His
works on Indian art continue to be highly respected by scholars.
Rene
Guenon came from a devout Catholic family and his early education was in Jesuit
schools. He had a delicate personality, and when he felt that his teachers were
persecuting him, his father had him transferred to the College Augustan-Thiery,
where he completed baccalaureates in mathematics and philosophy. He was a
brilliant student and won prizes in physics and Latin. He enrolled in the
College Rollin in Paris, in 1904 to study mathematics, but withdrew after two
years. In 1906 he became a protege of Gerard Encausse, known as “Papus,” who
was a co-founder of the Theosophical Society in France. Papus had split off from
the Theosophical Society to form the Faculte des Science Hermetique, and
Guenon later disassociated himself from both. He vigorously condemned Theosophy
in several of his writings, in which he claimed that it was based on a
corruption of perennial first principles. Nevertheless, like Coomaraswamy,
important ideas about metaphysics and the esoteric unity of religious traditions
were introduced to him through Theosophy.[v]
While in Paris, Guenon also joined other occultist groups and became a
Freemason. Although Guenon never renounced Freemasonry as he did Theosophy and
continued throughout his life to write on Masonic themes and symbolism, although
after leaving Paris, he did not participate in Masonic activities, and his
continued interest seems to have been purely intellectual. In 1912 he embraced
Islam, and through Abdul-Hadi, a Swedish initiate, he joined the Sufi order of
the Egyptian master Shaykh `Abd al-Rahman `Illaysh al-Kabir. After a short stint
as instructor of philosophy in Algeria, Guenon entered the doctoral program in
Sanskrit at the Sorbonne where he studied with Stanislav Levi. Although he did
not complete his doctorate, apparently because he refused to provide the
required references and notes for his thesis, the dissertation was published to
general scholarly acclaim as Introduction Generale à L”etude des Doctrines
Hindoues (1921). After the death of his French wife, he moved to Cairo in
1930 where he remarried, had four children, became an Egyptian citizen known as
Shaykh `Abd al-Wahid Yahya and remained for the rest of his life. He is the
author of twenty-nine books and roughly five hundred articles and reviews.
Coomaraswamy and
Guenon corresponded and attracted a number of followers, a number of which
became influential authors and promoters of traditionalism, including Fritjof
Schuon, Titus Burkhardt, Marco Pallis, Martin Lings, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Huston
Smith, and others. These writers defend a number of common doctrines:
Tradition
is the continuity of Revelation: an uninterrupted transmission, through
innumerable generations, of the spiritual and cosmological principles, sciences
and laws resulting from a revealed religion: nothing is neglected, from the
establishment of social orders and codes of conduct to the canons regulating the
arts and architecture, ornamentation and dress; it includes the mathematical,
physical, medical and psychological sciences, encompassing moreover those
deriving from celestial movements. What contrasts it totally with our modem
learning, which is a closed system materially, is its reference to all things
back to superior planes of being, and eventually to ultimate Principles:
considerations entirely unknown to modern man.[vi]
In order
to evaluate the claims of Traditionalism as expounded by Coomaraswamy, Guenon
and their followers, we need a more complete account of that claims made by
Traditionalism than the statement by Whitehall Perry given above. Since the main
thrust of my criticism of Traditionalism aims at its rejection of modernity, it
is important to make it clear at the outset that in criticizing Traditionalism,
I am not endorsing modernism. The basic point is that nothing should be accepted
or rejected merely because it is modern and likewise, nothing should be accepted
or rejected merely because it is traditional. There is much that is good in
modernity, and much that is good in traditional societies. There is much that is
bad in modernity, and much that is bad in traditional societies. These obvious
facts seem to be ignored by Traditionalists and modernists, and so, both
Traditionalism and modernism should be rejected. Every claim and every practice
must be subject to critical evaluation according to the criteria of religion and
reason.
Modernity is first of all a period of European history
stretching from the aftermath of the Reformation through the twentieth century.
Secondly, it is a cultural condition. During the modern period European society
acquired a number of striking interrelated characteristics: economically, there
was a shift from an agrarian to an industrial economy; politically, the
institution of the nation-state began to displace monarchical rule, liberalism
and secularism gained ground against the allied powers of the nobility and the
Church; socially, individualism and social mobility began to take precedence
over family and community and technology came to play an ever more important
role in the private and public spheres that emerged; philosophically,
Enlightenment rationalism and empiricism became dominant; in science, new
methods of exact measurement and applied mathematics were developed; in the
arts, there was a shift from iconic art to naturalism and then expressivism; and
in theology, historical method and an emphasis on religious experience became
prominent. Virtually every aspect of human life changed in ways that previously
would not have been imaginable. When conditions such as these come to
characterize a society, whether European or not, the society is said to have
become modernized. In Europe and elsewhere, modernization has been met with
enthusiastic support as well as resistance. The optimistic advocacy of
modernization is modernism. There are other more specialized meanings that have
been given to the terms modernity, modernization and modernism,
but they are not immediately relevant to our discussion.
The term traditional is perhaps even more vague than modern.
It is generally understood in contrast to modern. Whatever was deeply
ingrained in society prior to modernization is traditional. Indirectly,
the traditional is understood in terms of European history, since the
traditional is defined in contrast to the modern, which in turn can only be
understood with reference to European culture. To call a non-Western society
traditional is therefore to claim that it is similar in important ways to Europe
before the Reformation. In contast to modernism, traditionalism
could be used to designate any movement of resistance to modernization, or the
view that pre-modern societies are superior to modernized societies. In this
sense, one speaks not of traditionalism per se, but of Catholic traditionalism,
Russian traditionalism, etc.
Since it would be extremely implausible to advocate an
absolute traditionalism, i.e., the thesis that modernity is always worse than
whatever it replaces, Coomaraswamy and Guenon introduced the notion of authentic
traditions as those rooted in divine revelation. They claimed that there
were common features to be found across pre-modern societies, whether
aboriginal, Christian, Islamic, Hindu, Taoist or Buddhist.[vii]
It is the common features of these societies that are called tradition,
and the advocacy of these features over those of modern societies is Traditionalism.
Thus, traditionalism includes a thesis of a specific form of religious
pluralism, that all the authentic religious traditions are divinely inspired and
are at the innermost core the same, as well as a cultural thesis that asserts
that the cultural institutions of societies dominated by authentic tradition are
justified as reflections of Tradition. Both of these theses are dubious. I have
made a case against Traditionalist religious pluralism elsewhere,[viii]
so here I will only touch on the main points.
The sort of religious pluralism advocated by Traditionalists
is one that it takes over from Theosophy. Even if Guenon decisively rejected the
Theosophical Society, the key ideas of the Traditionalists regarding the unity
of religions: (1) that all the major religions have a divine source; (2) that
esoterically they are the same but exoterically different; and (3) that traces
of the original perennial wisdom are to be found in the religions, are clearly
stated by Madame Blavatsky in the introduction to The Secret Doctrine:
The true philosopher, the student of the Esoteric
Wisdom, entirely loses sight of personalities, dogmatic beliefs and special
religions. Moreover, Esoteric philosophy reconciles all religions, strips every
one of its outward, human garments, and shows the root of each to be identical
with that of every other great religion.[ix]
The main differences between Blavatsky
and the Traditionalists are: (1) she rejects the concept of a personal God found
in the monotheistic religions as exoterically interpreted in favour of a more
pantheistic view; (2) she considers Christianity to have deviated from the
original doctrine, especially after Constantine, and in general, she holds that
the forms of religion now found in the world are all to a greater or lesser
extent deviations from the original doctrine she claims to have uncovered.
Like the Traditionalists, Blavatsky
holds that the esoteric teachings of the religions constitute a perennial
wisdom:
The now Secret Wisdom
was once the one fountain head, the ever-flowing perennial source, at which were
fed all its streamlets -- the later religions of all nations -- from the first
down to the last.[x]
Guenon came to the conclusion that
Madame Blavatsky was a charlatan. However, the form of religious pluralism she
espoused was retained by him and further elaborated in his writings and those of
other Traditionalists. This is not the place to evaluate Blavatsky”s
credentials, and even if there is much in her writings that cannot stand up to
scholarly scrutiny, that by itself does not prove that there is anything wrong
with the type of pluralism she advocated, let alone the subtly different form of
pluralism found in Traditionalist writings.
What”s wrong with the sort of
pluralism advocated by Blavatsky and the Traditionalists is that it depends on a
rather questionable reading of the texts of the world”s religions. It requires
that one hold that certain similarities in doctrine, especially esoteric
doctrine, constitute the core of the religions, and that differences be
dismissed as deviations. Blavatsky supported this interpretation with the
dubious claim that she had discovered the original secret teachings. The
Traditionalists, on the other hand, claim that through intellectual intuition
they are able to discern the common essence. The method used is implausible. It
is assumed at the outset that the religions have a common esoteric essence, and
the texts are interpreted so as to accord with this principle. This is question
begging.
The second major flaw common to most
forms of religious pluralism is that the teachings of the religions seem to be
inconsistent with one another, and with pluralism, regardless whether we examine
their esoteric or exoteric doctrines. Pluralists are forced to claim that these
contradictions are either due to corruptions in the religious traditions, or are
due to inessential factors, such as culture. This sort of claim is not supported
by an examination of the texts, but only by an a priori conviction of the
truth of pluralism.
These objections to pluralism are made
by appeal to standards of good scholarship in religious studies. More
importantly, however, there are theological grounds within Islamic teachings to
reject the religious pluralism of the Traditionalists. The problem is not merely
that Islam forbids idol worship, while idol worship is intrinsic to the
non-monotheistic traditions. The problem is where the criterion for religious
truth is to be found. According to Islam that criterion is given in God”s
final revelation to man, while according to Traditionalism it is something to be
abstracted by intellectual intuition through a comparative interpretation of the
world”s esoteric religious teachings.
This theological criticism is not
merely theoretical. It has practical consequences, as well. For example, Islam
presents a relatively egalitarian social ideal in which no distinctions in
religious duty are made on the basis of social standing, occupation, color or
race. There is no priesthood in Islam. Hinduism, on the other hand, not only has
a priesthood, but it is enshrined in the caste system. Traditionalists such as
Martin Lings continue to defend the Hindu caste system as being a part of
authentic tradition, rather than condemning it on the basis of Islamic
teachings.
But thanks to the caste system with the Brahmins as safeguarders of
religion we have today a Hinduism which is still living and which down to this
century has produced flowers of sanctity.[xi]
What is essential here is to see what
criterion is being used for evaluative religious and moral judgements. Instead
of making their evaluations from within the framework of Islam, Traditionalists
base their evaluations on the conceit that they can view all of the religions
from some higher transcendent perspective.
The flaws of esoteric religious
pluralism may be summed up by listing the following points.
Intellectual intuition, even if accepted as a valid way of obtaining
knowledge, does not support esoteric pluralism.
Esoteric differences among the religious differences are proportionate to
their exoteric differences. Common features among religious traditions may be
found by abstracting and generalizing from their exoteric features no less than
from their esoteric features.
Religious pluralists use a question-begging methodology in their reading
of religious texts.
Pluralists gloss over important differences in order to eliminate
contradictions.
Pluralism conflicts with Islamic teaching, because Islam presents itself
as the final and definitive religion for mankind and not as culture bound, while
pluralism sees the differences between Islam and other traditions to be due to
cultural accidents.
Islam offers a basically egalitarian social vision, while Traditionalists
view social differences, such as are found in the caste system as manifestations
of the hierarchical nature of being.
Traditionalists use tradition and the intellectual intuition of the
principles of sophia perennis as their criteria of evaluation instead of the
principles of Islam.
Problems
with the Traditionalist cultural thesis are best understood in terms of their
critique of modernism. According to this thesis, the characteristics of
traditional societies are manifestations of the divine principles on which they
are based, and thus, the characteristics of modern societies, insofar as they
deviate from tradition, are to be rejected.
Many critics of
modernity have drawn attention to points upon which traditionalists focus their
critique, e.g., scientism, atomistic individualism, lack of spirituality. They
are important points. Guenon, Coomaraswamy and other traditionalists are to be
credited with seeing through the illusions of modernism at a time when its
allure was at a peak. Martin Lings describes the mood after the First World War
as follows:
I myself remember that world in which and for which
Guenon wrote his earliest books, in the first decade after the First World War,
a monstrous world made impenetrable by euphoria: the First World War had been
the war to end war. Now there would never be another war; and science had proved
that man was descended from the ape, that is, he had progressed from apehood,
and now this progress would continue with nothing to impede it; everything would
get better and better and better….I remember a politician proclaiming, as who
would dare to do today, "We are now in the glorious morning of the
world." And at this same time, Guenon wrote of this wonderful world,
"It is as if an organism with its head cut off were to go on living a life
which was both intense and disordered." (from East and West first
published in 1924).[xii]
As we have seen,
Coomaraswamy and Guenon did not invent dissatisfaction with modernity. A long
line of poets and thinkers who found much in modern culture appalling preceded
them. Since the very inception of the industrial revolution, there has been no
lack of voices proclaiming that society and culture had taken a wrong turn, that
something valuable was being lost and destroyed. Among the voices of dissent may
be found Romantic poets, like Blake and Wordsworth, Catholic ultramontanists,
philosophers from Nietzsche to Heidegger, and, not surprisingly, Blavatsky and
Olcott.
So, what is distinctive about the traditionalist critique of
modernity? It is not unprecedented, so the distinctive feature is not historical
originality. Some critics of modernity focused on the social problems of modern
life, while others have been more theoretical. Usually, however, the two are
combined, and it is held that the social problems of modernity are a result of
neglect of some important truths. For the Catholics, modern woes are due to
neglect of the teachings of the Church. For the Romantics, the neglected truth
is one that can only be grasped through the heart, or some sort of feeling or
experience. For Heidegger, the problems of modern society are the result of a
long progressive neglect of the question of Being stretching back to antiquity.
For Blavatsky, Olcott, Guenon and Coomaraswamy, the problems of modernity arise
from neglect of the perennial wisdom found in the esoteric teachings of the
great religions, although it must be admitted that Guenon and Coomaraswamy went
way beyond what was implicit in the writings of the Theosophists.
In all of these groups there is a common implausible causal
claim, that the neglect of some truths is what causes the problems associated
with modernity. As far as I know, none of the members of any of the groups
mentioned does anything to substantiate this claim. It is taken to be obvious
that since moderns have neglected the Truth and have various social problems,
the neglect is the cause of the social problems. Consider the following
statement by Dr. Seyyed Hossein Nasr:
But the opposition of
tradition to modernism, which is total and complete as far as principles are
concerned, does not derive from the observation of facts and phenomena or the
diagnosis of the symptoms of the malady. It is based upon a study of the causes
which have brought about the illness. Tradition is opposed to modernism because
it considers the premises upon which modernism is based to be wrong and false in
principle.[xiii]
This
is a gross oversimplification. The relation between modern thought and the
characteristics of modern societies is a complex one in which social changes
influence thought and vice versa. In order to understand the problems of
modernity, more observation of facts and phenomena is needed than metaphysics.
European modernization took place as European societies became increasingly
industrialized. The changes wrought by industrialization led to shifts in
political power and authority, and these shifts are reflected in modern
political philosophies, including Marxism, liberalism and the various forms of
traditionalism, for the reactions against the changes that accompanied
industrialization are no less modern than the positivistic euphoria assailed by
Guenon and Lings.
Another dubious feature of the Traditionalist critique of
modernity that stems from the idea that social forms are products of dominant
beliefs is that there is a tendency among Traditionalists to glorify pre-modern
social structures because they are seen as products of true Traditional beliefs.
Guenon writes:
What we call normal
civilization is a civilization which is based on principles, in the true sense
of the term, and where everything is ordained and hierarchically arranged in
conformity with these principles, so that everything there is seen as the
application and extension of a doctrine purely intellectual or metaphysical in
its essence; this is what we mean also when we speak of a “traditional”
civilization.[xiv]
In this
way, the evils of feudalism are to be excused because feudalism is seen as an
institution that was produced by a society dominated by Traditional beliefs and
values and in turn the system protected those beliefs and values. The social
pressures that made the feudal system intolerable and led to its overthrow are
ignored, and the shift is glossed as having been brought about by a neglect of
the perennial wisdom on which feudal society was based!
In place of the
modernist faith in unlimited progress in which technology and “enlightened”
thinking are supposed to lead to a continual improvement in the human condition,
Traditionalists posit that modernization is a process of unmitigated decline,
explained by Guenon in terms of the grand cycles of Hindu cosmology. While
modernists seem blind to the spiritual crisis of modern man, the rape of the
environment, the evils of colonialism and neo-colonialism, the weakening of the
family, etc., Traditionalists seem blind to the benefits brought by
modernization, the vast increase in literacy and availability of education,
public health and sanitation, more humane treatment of prisoners and the insane,
etc. The benefits of modernization cannot be ignored any more than its failings,
even when judged not by the standards of modernity itself, but in accordance
with traditional values. It is pointless to attempt any overall evaluation by
which to justify the claim that modernity is better than what preceded it or
worse. In some respects it is better, and in other respects worse.
While
Traditionalists devote much of their attention to the evil aspects of modernity,
there is relatively little analysis of the major themes of modern writers, such
as inwardness, the importance of ordinary life, the moral resources within the
self, the ideal of authenticity, liberal political ideals, naturalism, or
autonomy, to mention a few of the most important.[xv]
For a meaningful criticism of modernity to take place without falling into
reactionary posturing, an examination of the development of such themes in
modern writing is required as well as a review of how such themes have gradually
come to be reflected in modern culture and society generally.[xvi]
Simply to pit the evils of modernity against sacred Tradition provides little
help with understanding either modernity or traditional societies, or how they
interact.
According to
Catholic traditionalists, the traditions of the Church are sacred because the
Holy Spirit guides the Church through history. This doctrine means that
practices and beliefs that have no other justification than that they have been
around as long as anyone can remember are given an aura of holiness. It also
makes any deviation from accepted practices and beliefs seem demonic. Something
like this doctrine may be found among Traditionalists, as well. There are
several differences. First, they do not limit themselves to a particular
religion, as do the Catholics. Second, they do not base the attribution of
sacredness on the guidance of the Holy Spirit, but on the guidance of “true
principles,” sophia perennis and intellectual intuition. Nevertheless,
both Catholic and Guenonian traditionalists see traditions as sacred because
they are in some way manifestations or elaborations of divine revelation.
Revelation becomes manifest in tradition. This sort of veneration of tradition
results in a very extreme sort of conservatism, one that is open to moral
criticism according to the very tenets and values of the traditions the
Traditionalist pretends to defend.
Traditionalism is
an ideology, in the general sense that it offers a system of ideas on the basis
of which it recommends a social or political program. Of course, Traditionalism
differs from many other ideologies in that while they concentrate on political
action, Traditionalism is focused on metaphysics, and takes a political position
only derivatively. Nevertheless, and more specifically, it is an ideology in the
sense that it: (1) contains a more or less comprehensive theory about the world
and the place of man in it; (2) sets out a general program of social and
political direction; (3) it foresees itself as surviving through onslaughts
against it; (4) it seeks not merely to persuade but to recruit loyal adherents,
demanding what is sometimes called commitment; (5) it addresses a wide public
but tends to confer some special role of leadership on intellectuals.[xvii]
It is yet another “ism”, another maktab, that has emerged out of the
European experience of modernity. This is ironic, because Traditionalists
condemn ideology generally as a product of modernity.[xviii]
So, Traditionalism is self-defeating, in the sense that its condemnation of
everything modern is so general that it implicitly condemns itself, since
Traditionalism itself is a modern ideology founded by Coomaraswamy and Guenon
prior to World War II.
As for the
political program of Traditionalism, it is perhaps most clearly stated by Dr.
Nasr:
In
the political domain, the traditional perspective always insists upon realism
based upon Islamic norms. In the Sunni world, it accepts the classical caliphate
and, in its absence, the other political institutions, such as the sultanate,
which developed over the centuries in the light of the teachings of the Sharí”ah
and the needs of the community. Under no condition, however, does it seek to
destroy what remains of traditional Islamic political institutions…. As for
the Shi”ite world, the traditional perspective continues to insist that final
authority belongs to the Twelfth Imam, in whose absence no form of government
can be perfect. In both worlds, the traditional perspective remains always aware
of the fall of the community from its original perfection, the danger of
destroying traditional Islamic institutions and substituting those of modern,
Western, origin….[xix]
As
I understand Islam, many Sunni and Shi”ah Muslims are in agreement that at
least after the first four caliphs, the caliphate has been a complete disaster
in which lust for power, empire building and personal extravagance dominated the
institution even as it claimed to rule in the name of Islam. The martyrdom of
Imam Husaynu
rescued Islam from its association with such decadence by testifying that the
caliphate had become in fact a force opposed to everything genuine Islam stands
for. This sort of understanding of Islamic history seems unavailable to
Traditionalists who laud governments based on the sovereignty of sultans and
so-called caliphs as traditional, while playing down the corruptions and
excesses of such governments as imperfections that should be tolerated to
prevent the danger that some Western model of government might come to power.
This is reactionary politics at its worst.
In
sum, although there is much insight into modernity”s flaws in Traditionalist
writings, the Traditionalist critique of modernity suffers from the following
defects:
First, there is the dubious idea that explicit or implicit belief in
various principles causes a society to have the characteristics it exhibits, so
that the ills of modernity are simplistically attributed to deviations in
beliefs.
Second, Traditionalists contrast the evils of modernity with a
romanticized picture of traditional societies.
Third, the Traditionalist analysis of pre-modern societies fails to do
justice to the essential differences among them because it is motivated by the a
priori assumption that they are all based on shared principles.
Fourth, Traditionalists view modernization as unmitigated decline because
they take adherence to Tradition as their evaluative standard rather than the
standards inherent to the traditions themselves. This criticism may be presented
as a logical one, revealing a contradiction inherent in the Traditionalist
position, or as a theological criticism, that Traditionalism exalts Tradition in
a manner not sanctioned by Islamic teachings.
Fifth, the Traditionalist critique of modernity is based on intuitions
about the deviant principles that dominate modern society rather than on
historical analysis.
Sixth, deviation from Tradition is condemned without regard to any
evaluation of whether change could be merited, because change is seen as
opposition to the sacred as it has become manifest in tradition. While it
presents itself as inheritor of the sapiential legacy of the traditional
cultures of the world, in fact it impedes the exercise of wisdom to critically
examine the conditions of what are considered to be authentic traditional
societies.
Seventh, while Traditionalists condemn ideology as a modern phenomenon,
what they offer is itself an ideology.
Eighth, Traditionalism is politically reactionary.
Traditionalism
fails in its criticism of modernity because it makes use of an arcane
methodology and ignores the details of history, it oversimplifies the characters
of both modern and traditional societies, and by making Tradition itself the
standard of its evaluations, it violates the moral principles of the traditions
it claims to champion. As an ideology, Traditionalism makes no provision for
meaningful debate about how to improve society, reform its institutions or
confront the changes that are taking place, because all deviations from
tradition, glorified as the manifestation of divine principles, is opposed.
Thus, the failings of the Traditional critique are both methodological and
theological. Despite these failures, Traditionalist ideology may serve the
useful purpose of fomenting some resistance to those who advocate modernization,
development and industrialization in imitation of the Western model, and perhaps
it is vain to hope for a more reasoned and nuanced approach to modernity.
Traditionalism succeeds in pointing out many important faults in modernity: the
loss of the sacred with the rise of secularism, the loss of intrinsic value with
the rise of instrumental rationality, the loss of art and vocation with the
industrialization and automation, and the loss of a coherent world view with the
emergence of pluralism, diversification and specialization.[xx]
However, others have observed these faults, too. What is valuable in the
Traditionalist critique of modernity is not original, and what is original is
not valuable.
Traditionalists
offer no alternative to modernity because they fail to come to grips with its
dynamics and instead wallow in nostalgia. When this criticism was explicitly
leveled against Coomaraswamy, he responded that he did not wish to return to the
Middle Ages.[xxi] Nevertheless, in speaking
of the possibility of regeneration in the West, he says, “The possibility
exists only in the event of a return to first principles and to the normal ways
of living that proceed from the application of first principles to contingent
circumstances.”[xxii]
The question that remains unanswered by Traditionalists is how to apply such
principles in the present circumstances of modernization. Guenon responds to
this problem with an expectation of the end of the age of modernity based on
Hindu cosmological ideas. In the meantime, he suggests that what remains of
Tradition may be preserved by certain elites who are initiated into the sophia
perennis. Quinn suggests, on the basis of his readings of Coomaraswamy and
Guenon, that this inellectual elite might serve a function similar to that of
the Hindu Brahmans as a priestly caste to reestablish Tradition after the
passing away of the modern age.
The
scenario painted by the Traditionalists seems unlikely, and may God forbid any
such destiny. Where there are Brahmans, untouchables are usually not far.
Barring global catastrophe, and/or the reappearance of Imam Mahdi (may Allah
hasten his return), it is more reasonable to assume that modernization, along
with all its benefits and injuries, will continue to spread. The challenge that
faces Muslims today, is how to minimize the injuries, how to ride out
modernization so that it does not take the same form among Muslims as it has in
Christian society, how to preserve the sacred norms and values prescribed for us
by Islam in these rapidly changing times. There are no simple solutions, no easy
answers. An insistence on fundamental principles is not enough. The problem for
Muslims is exactly how the fundamental principles of Islam are to be applied in
the situations in which we find ourselves. Compromise is necessary because the
traditional institutions and cultural forms are not sufficiently flexible to
accommodate the changes with which contemporary Muslim societies are faced.
Moreover, there is much in the traditional institutions that is not worth
preserving. Traditional oppression, despotism, and cruelty do not become
justifiable for being Traditional. Initiation into esoteric wisdom by an
intellectual elite will not suffice to reform society in accord with divine
guidance. Loyalty to Islam requires a realistic appraisal of the environment in
which we seek to live as Muslims and foster the flourishing of Muslim
communities. Part of this realism means understanding how the conditions of
contemporary societies differ from those of pre-modern societies in ways that
make the reinstatement of traditional forms impossible or
worse. Many of the differences are due to technology. Some are simply the
result of the huge differences in the size of the populations of societies then
and now. Consider the concept of shurá (consultation). In the small
community of believers at the time of the Prophet Muhammad (s) consultation
could be carried out through direct conversation with recognized leaders of
tribal groups. When the community of believers comes to include millions and
tribal affiliations have been erased centuries ago, it will be appropriate to
adopt democratic institutions and apparatuses, even in the absence of any
endorsement of democratic political theory. As another example, consider
punishment. In Islamic sources there is no precedent for the collection of fines
or prison sentences. Traditional authorities introduced prisons and dungeons,
and the conditions in such Traditional institutions were notorious. It is
neither practical nor moral to attempt to regulate traffic with threats of
Traditional forms of punishment. Tradition is of no help in such matters. The
example of traditional Muslim societies may help us to understand how Muslims
sought to live in accordance with their religion, and in what ways they
succeeded and failed in this effort, given the circumstances in which they
lived. Change in traditional societies tended to be gradual and rather slow,
largely because of technological limitations. This enabled traditional societies
to forge an accommodation of new elements with traditional principles and
values. Slow and gradual change is conducive to organic integrity and harmony.
Today,
we have to find ways to live in accordance with Islam that are appropriate to
the exceedingly different circumstances in which we live. Social changes are
being driven by rapid changes in technology that give no one time to adjust.
This gives modern society an ugly mismatched quality. While certain measures can
be taken to try to preserve some sort of proportionality, integrity becomes more
of a utopian ideal than a realistic aim. In this effort, we can only rely on
Allah and His aid as we seek to sort through the social, political, cultural and
theological problems that face us.
The term “Islamic Fundamentalism”
is one that has been invented by Western journalists by analogy with
“Christian Fundamentalism.” It is not a very apt term, but it has gained
currency. In the Sunni world it is used for groups descended from the Salafiyyah
movement, such as the Muslim Brotherhood. In practice, any politically active
movement that opposes Westernization and calls for the enforcement of Islamic
law is termed “Islamic fundamentalism,” whether Sunni or Shi”i. Sometimes,
those who take a reformist or even modernist approach to Islamic law will also
be considered by journalists to be fundamentalists. Anti-Western rhetoric
accompanied by exhortations to return to Islam is sufficient to brand one as
fundamentalist. For the purposes of any insightful understanding of contemporary
Islamic political thought, “Islamic fundamentalism” is a useless derogatory
label.[xxiii]
Since
Traditionalists might well be considered fundamentalists, according to the way
Western journalists and too many academics use this term, one might hope to get
a better understanding of Traditionalism by contrasting it with other groups
that could be called fundamentalist. This issue is taken up by Dr. Nasr at
several points in his Traditional Islam and the Modern World. It is odd
that Dr. Nasr himself points out how inappropriate the label “Islamic
fundamentalism” is, yet goes to some pains to show that Traditionalists are
not fundamentalists, and retains much of the disparaging rhetorical force of
“fundamentalism.” A brief examination of the reasons he gives to separate
Traditionalism from fundamentalism will help illuminate the extent of the
extremism in the Traditionalist critique of modernity. Once that extremism is
made clear, we can try to begin to articulate a more balanced view of the issues
of tradition and modernity.
In traditional societies we find an
integrated worldview centered upon religious belief. In modern societies this
integration has been lost. To the extent that tradition remains in Iranian
society, it is somewhat like a remnant of a civilization that once occupied this
land but has been long since disappeared.[xxiv]
Under the circumstances, it makes as much sense to oppose modernity as it would
to oppose hurricanes. Dr. Nasr writes:
If traditionalists
insist on the complete opposition between tradition and modernism, it is
precisely because the very nature of modernism creates in the religious and
metaphysical realms a blurred image within which half truths appear as the truth
itself and the integrity of all that tradition represents is thereby
compromised.[xxv]
Dr. Nasr
continues by contrasting the Traditionalist perspective with that of
fundamentalists and modernists. He also refers to the fundamentalist view as counter-traditional
and psuedo-traditional, and sometimes revolutinary.[xxvi]
Often his distinction between fundamentalism and traditionalism amounts to
little more than the accusation that fundamentalists are brutish and ugly, while
Traditionalists are refined and sophisticated.
The traditionalist
and the so-called “fundamentalist” meet in their acceptance of the Qur’an
and Hadíth, as well as in their emphasis upon the Sharí‘ah,
but even here the differences remain profound. As already mentioned, tradition
always emphasizes the sapiential commentaries and the long tradition of Quranic
hermeneutics in understanding the meaning of the verses of the Sacred Text;
whereas so many of the “fundamentalist” movements simply pull out a verse
from the Quran and give it a meaning in accordance with their goals and aims,
often reading into it a meaning alien to the whole tradition of Quranic
commentary, or tafsír. As for the Sharí”ah, tradition always
emphasizes, in contrast to so much of current “fundamentalism”, faith, inner
attachment to the dicta of the Divine Law and the traditional ambience of
lenient judgment based upon the imperfections of human society, rather than
simply external coercion based on fear of some human authority other than God.[xxvii]
As for the
interpretation of the Qur”an and ahàdíth, true scholars pay attention
to the commentary tradition, whether they are fundamentalists or
traditionalists. Those who write popular works are more inclined to play fast
and loose with the texts, but this cannot be considered a distinguishing feature
that separates traditionalists from other fundamentalists. With respect to the
Divine Law, as well, fundamentalists emphasize inner attachment as much as
Traditionalists, and its implementation has been harsh among some
fundamentalists as it has been among some traditional authorities, while others
who would be considered fundamentalists have an attitude as lenient as any of
which tradition might boast.
Outside of this
domain, the differences between the traditional and the counter-traditional in
Islam are even more blatant. Most of the current “fundamentalist” movements,
while denouncing modernism, accept some of the most basic aspects of modernism.
This is clearly seen in their complete and open-armed acceptance of modern
science and technology…. Their attitude to science and technology is in fact
nearly identical with that of the modernists, as seen on the practical plane in
the attitude of Muslim countries with modern forms of government compared to
those which claim to possess one form or another of Islamic government. There is
hardly any difference in the manner in which they try to adopt modern Western
technology, from computers to television, without any thought for the
consequences of these inventions upon the mind and soul of Muslims.[xxviii]
Does this
mean that the defining distinction between traditionalists and fundamentalists
is that whereas the latter accept Western science and technology, the
traditionalists reject it? In this way, traditionalism is paraded as a more
total rejection of modernity than that found in other Islamic groups.
Fundamentalist governments are condemned for pursuing Western science and
technology. What would a traditionalist government do? In fact, the traditional
sultans who rule over various Muslim countries today are no less eager for
Western science and technology than the so-called fundamentalist governments.
Indeed, the only rejection of television and other aspects of Western technology
at the level of government that seems to approach what is advocated by Dr. Nasr
was to be found in the recently overthrown Taliban government in Afghanistan, a
paradigm of Islamic fundamentalism if ever there was one.
Dr. Nasr continues to distinguish
traditionalism from fundamentalism in art and politics. In art, everything
traditional is supposed to be beautiful, while the fundamentalists are
tasteless. In general, those who are involved in what are called fundamentalist
movements in Islam tend to be from the lowest strata of society, while
traditionalists tend to be a very small group of highly educated people, some of
whom, from Coomaraswamy to Dr. Nasr, have made important contributions to art
criticism and aesthetics. The difference in attitudes toward the arts seems to
have much more to do with education than ideology.
In the political realm, Dr. Nasr
criticizes fundamentalists for accepting Western political institutions and
ideas, including “revolution, republicanism, ideology and even class struggle
in the name of a supposedly pure Islam.”[xxix]
Among extremist fundamentalists, it is not difficult to find people who reject
all of these Western innovations that Dr. Nasr condemns.
In another essay, the differences are
portrayed by Dr. Nasr in another way. He claims that fundamentalists usually
share:
opposition or
indifference to all the inward aspects of Islam and the civilization and culture
which it created, aspects such as Sufism, Islamic philosophy, Islamic art, etc.
They are all outwardly oriented in the sense that they wish to reconstruct
Islamic society through the re-establishment of external legal and social norms
rather than by means of the revival of Islam through inner purification or by
removing the philosophical and intellectual impediments which have been
obstacles on the path of many contemporary Muslims. These movements, therefore,
have rarely dealt in detail with the intellectual challenges posed by Western
science and philosophy, although this trait is not by any means the same among
all of them, some being of a more intellectual nature than others.[xxx]
This
characterization, however, does not enable us to distinguish so-called
fundamentalists from traditional Muslim groups, for there are Muslim groups that
have been anti-intellectualist, anti-philosophical and rather outwardly oriented
throughout the history of Islamic civilization. On the other hand, there are
revolutionary Muslims who have been philosophers and mystics, and if most are
not, this is merely a reflection of the general population. It is to their
credit that Guenonian Traditionalists are interested in mysticism, art and
philosophy, but that does not distinguish them from other Muslims who do not
agree with their ideological principles.
In short, the main differences Dr.
Nasr elaborates between fundamentalism and traditionalism is that traditionalism
is more absolute in its rejection of everything modern and Western. On this
account, fundamentalism seems to be downright moderate! The other difference
that he repeatedly emphasizes is that fundamentalism is crude and rude, but this
seems to reveal more about social background than any defining difference in the
essence of Traditionalism.
Instead
of trying to build a sense of self-worth based on the ruins of an idealized
past, we need to seek whatever truth becomes available to us in our changing
circumstances, regardless of whether they are enshrined in our own traditions or
come from modernity or anywhere else. The only once and for all and always
truths and standards that have been given to us are found in Islam. On that
basis and with the aid of our limited intellectual faculties we should try to
achieve a balanced understanding of our station and its duties. The course of
the wise in moral affairs including politics and other issues pertaining to
culture and civilization seems to be one of moderation. Moderation is not to be
confused with lack of determination or an irresolute stance on issues of faith
or justice. Moderation means having the wisdom to see the folly of extreme forms
of modernism and traditionalism, and choosing a just course between them.
Moderation
requires an understanding of the current conditions of Muslim societies today
and of the elements shaping them: from global market forces to popular religious
beliefs and practices. How our societies are shaped and changed is largely out
of our hands. Where we do have an opportunity to effect change or to modify its
direction in some way, we need the humility to admit that the results of our
interference in social, political and other cultural affairs are often other
than we would predict. This, however, should not be cause for timidity, but for
submission to Allah in obedience to His commands, knowing that in the ordinance
of His prescriptions, He knows better. The violation of the moral precepts given
by human conscience and confirmed by divine revelation to His prophets, peace be
with Muhammad and his progeny and with all of them, can never be excused as a
means to obtain otherwise desirable social or political goals.
Moderation
requires critical analysis and evaluation of the character of our civilization
and the ways in which it is changing in order to assess their positive and
negative aspects according to the standards of Islamic teachings and values. We
need to understand what can be done to minimize the negative effects of the
modernization taking place around us. It is here that Traditionalist writings
can be of assistance. They can increase our sensitivity to how religious
principles are reflected in various areas of culture, and how modernization may
do violence to those principles. This is often overlooked or by policy makers
and politicians, as well as academics. Traditionalist writings, despite all the
faults I have found with them in this paper, are invaluable aids to increasing
our sensitivity, or in the popular expression, to consciousness raising with
regard to how modernization does violence to the integral character of
traditional cultures. Traditionalists share this feature with post-modernist
writers: both are engaged in a project of unmasking various aspects of
modernity. This is a task so valuable, that no matter how much I may disagree
with various points of the Traditionalist position, I feel obliged to admit my
indebtedness to the Traditionalist articulations of the character of modernity,
especially in the indisputably erudite works of Dr. Nasr. However, we also need
to recognize what sorts of modern changes may bring us into greater harmony with
religious principles. The changing roles that various social and cultural
elements play allow them to be in harmony with religious principles in some
environments, but contrary to them in others. Elements of traditional society
cannot be imported from the past with the expectation that they can play the
same integrative role in the new environment as they did in their original
context.
Moderation also
requires critical analysis and evaluation of traditional societies and their
institutions. There is nearly consensus among contemporary Muslim thinkers (with
the exception of some Traditionalists) that hereditary monarchy or sultanate is
incongruent with fundamental Islamic aims and values. Sultanate is oppressive.
It squanders national wealth for the sake of the luxury of a few. History shows
that when such power is placed in the hands of a single person or group, and
that person or group is accustomed to luxury, it is easy for foreign control and
domination to crop up to the detriment of Muslim society, as in the Qajar and
Pahlavi collaboration with Russian and US agents, respectively.
Nothing can be
retained solely for the reason that it is traditional, and nothing can be
rejected solely because it is modern, whether in doctrine, economics, social
institutions, forms of cultural expression, or whatever.
Consider computerization. Dr. Nasr condemns this as modern and
untraditional.[xxxi]
No doubt there is much about computer use that clashes with Islamic aims and
values. To a large extent, however, it is unavoidable. On the other hand, there
is much in computer use that serves Islamic aims, e.g., accessibility to
information and facilitation of research, not to mention the more specifically
Islamic applications, such as Islamic software, Islamic internet groups and
magazines, searchable databases of ahádíth, etc.. Traditionalist
reasoning is valuable when it points out aspects of modern culture and
technology that conflict with Islamic principles in ways that would ordinarily
pass without notice. In our enthusiasm for Islamic software, for example, we
might overlook the fact that Islamic education through a computer programme, no
matter how detailed, is impersonal in the worst way. Traditionally, the relation
between student and master is of utmost importance, for it is only in the
context of such a personal relationship that the master can correct
misunderstandings of the material presented to the student, and only in such a
context that the master can determine what materials would be helpful for the
student at a particular level, and what materials might be harmful at that
level. Obviously, the computer programme fails miserably by comparison. The
solution, however, is not to heap scorn on Islamic software as a violation of
Traditional principles of Islamic education. The software has its own
advantages. In present circumstances there just aren’t enough masters to go
around. In Iran today something like half the population is under eighteen. For
most, the choice is not between a computer programme and a master, but between
educational and non-educational computer use. This is just an example, but it
could be repeated endlessly. Modernization is a fact of life. Traditionalists
make some valid points about its failings, but on the whole, people do not have
a choice as to whether they would like to live in a traditional or modern way.
They find themselves caught in the whirlpool of modernization.
In the more theoretical realm, modernity pits history and all
the modern sciences against metaphysics. Some of my criticisms of traditionalism
revolve about this conflict. The history of the world”s religions testifies to
their particularities while a metaphysical viewpoint seeks universal themes. The
critical historical attitude, once established, can never be banished. There can
be no restoration of metaphysics to its former authority. This is felt nowhere
so keenly as in theology. The error of modernism is to believe that historical
study makes metaphysics otiose, merely another item for historical inquiry
itself. The error of traditionalism is to hope for a reassertion of metaphysical
principles in a victory over historical criticism. If we are ever to move beyond
the impasse of such errors, we will have to learn how to integrate historical
and metaphysical thought, or, at the very least, some sort of uneasy truce will
have to be maintained between them. In some areas, both sides will have to
retreat. One problem here is that so much modern science is built upon
presuppositions that conflict with any sort of traditional metaphysics. In order
to realize integration, modern science would have to be dismantled and built
back up again without its biases against religion and metaphysics. Even if such
a project could be successful, it would take several generations of scholars in
virtually all the fields of the modern sciences, and while this work was going
on, the established sciences of modernity would not sit still. At this point, we
can only learn to live with it, and in this, modern history itself can help us
to see the biases against metaphysics that have come to permeate the sciences as
the products not of science itself, but of the historical forces at work during
the formative period of the development of modern science. This recognition of
the biases of the culture of modernity including its sciences and history is
only the beginning of the sort of critique demanded by the Mennonite theologian
Jim Reimer:
…a rather thorough
critique of modern liberal culture and its assumptions is necessary… but… it
cannot be accomplished by using pre-Enlightenment categories in their purity, or
by recovering and conserving the past in its pristine form. A recovery of
classical categories from antiquity is necessary for the purpose of judging and
transcending our own culture…, but these concepts must first go through the
crucible of the Enlightenment before they can be effectively appropriated….[xxxii]
Theology, in my opinion, does not have the freedom to be or not to be “modern,” or “non-modern” for that matter, as if its practitioners sit above the historical flow of things making such choices. It has been shaped by modern scientific, rational, and historical assumptions. We participate in the age of which we are a part. The fact is that new paradigms cannot arbitrarily be created or chosen; they emerge gradually replacing older paradigms that have lost their power.[xxxiii]
The challenge for Muslims and Christians is to find a way
through the process in which faith is maintained despite the evils of
modernization. The hope for Muslim societies is that they may move beyond
modernization without suffering all the injuries this has brought in the West, in
shá” Allah.
Blavatsky, H. P., The Secret Doctrine, originally
published in 1888. Theosophical University Press Online edition, URL: http://www.theosociety.org/pasadena/sd/sd1-0-in.htm.
Enayat, Hamid, Modern Islamic Political Thought (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1988).
Kennedy, William, The Occult World of Rene Guenon, URL:
http://www.dagobertsrevenge.com/articles/guenon.html,
08 Jan 2002.
Legenhausen, Muhammad, Islam and Religious Pluralism
(London: Alhoda, 1999).
Lings, Martin, “Rene Guenon,” from a lecture given in the
autumn of 1994 at the Prince of Wales Institute in London and sponsored by the
Temenos Academy, published in Sophia, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1995), URL: http://www.sophiajournal.com/Vol1Num1/Article02.html
Nasr, Seyyed Hossein, “Rene Guenon,” in The
Encyclopedia of Religion, Mircea Eliade, ed. (New York: MacMillan, 1987).
Nasr, Seyyed Hossein, Knowledge and the Sacred (New
York: Crossroad, 1981).
Nasr, Seyyed Hossein, Traditional Islam in the Modern World
(London: KPI, 1987).
Nicholson, Shirley J., “Theosophical Society,” in The
Encyclopedia of Religion, Mircea Eliade, ed. (New York: MacMillan, 1987).
Quinn, William W., Jr., The Only Tradition (Albany:
SUNY Press, 1997).
Reimer, A. James, A Mennonite Theology (Kitchner,
Ontario: Pandora Press and Herald Press, 2001).
Sedgwick, Mark, “Against Modernity: Western Traditionalism
and Islam,” URL: http://www.isim.nl/newsletter/7/features/6.html.
Sedgwick, Mark, URL: http://www.traditionalists.net.
[i]
U.S. News & World Report, June 26, 1989.
Jaroslav Pelikan is the Sterling
Professor Emeritus of History at Yale University where he served on the
faculty from 1962-96. He is the immediate past president of the American
Academy of Arts and Sciences. He is one of the world”s leading scholars in
the history of Christianity and has authored more than 30 books including
the five volume The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of
Doctrine (1971-89). His 1997 book was What Has Athens to Do With
Jerusalem? “Timaeus”
and “Genesis” in Counterpoint.
[ii]
See Richard P. McBrian, “Roman Catholicism”, in The Encyclopedia of
Religion (MacMillan, 1987).
[iii]
First published in the Egoist (1919); reprinted in The Norton
Anthology of English Literature, Vol. 2, (New York: W. W. Norton &
Co., 1968), pps. 1807-1814.
[iv]
See the article, “France” in The Catholic Encyclopedia.
[v] This point is emphasized by Quinn and others, but disputed by Kennedy. However, the reasons given by Kennedy pertain to the particular content of Guenon”s views, for example, that the characters identified by Guenon in his The Lord of the World (1927) are derived from “authentic” Jewish tradition rather than through visions as in the case of Madame Blavatsky, or that Guenon lent support to the Polaires, a group that sought to find a hidden utopia in the unexplored polar regions, at the same time that the Theosophical Society was promoting Krishnamurti as the World Saviour. Aside from such differences about personalities, however, the structural similarities found among Theosophists and Traditionalists is striking.
[vi]
Whitehall Perry, in The Unanimous Tradition: Essays On The Essential
Unity Of All Religions, ed. Ranjit Fernando (The Sri Lanka Institute of
Traditional Studies Press, 1999).
[vii]
Guenon rejected Buddhism as an authentic tradition until persuaded to the
contrary by other traditionalists, including Coomaraswamy and Schuon,
through Marco Pallis. See Lings. The resolution of this disagreement
indicates the importance of having some criteria by which to determine what
should be included among the “authentic traditions.”
[viii] Muhammad Legenhausen, Islam and Religious Pluralism (London: al-Hoda, 1999), §2.3, 117-155.
[ix] H. P. Blavatsky, The Secret Doctrine, Vol. 1, p. xx, Theosophicla University Press Online Edition.
[x] Blavatsky, xliv-xlv.
[xi] From Matin Lings, “Rene Guenon.”
[xii]
From Martin Lings, “Rene Guenon.”
[xiii] Knowledge and the Sacred, 84.
[xiv] Guenon, Orient et Occident (Paris: Payot, 1924), 236, cited in Quinn, 179.
[xv]
For a balanced examination of some of these themes, see the writings of
Charles Taylor, especially Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern
Identity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), Alasdair
MacIntyre, especially After Virtue 2nd ed., (Notre Dame:
University of Notre Dame Press, 1984), Whose Justice? Which Rationality? (Notre
Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988), Three Rival Versions of
Moral Inquiry (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990), or
such earlier writers as Arnold Toynbee, An Historian”s Approach to
Religion (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), and W. E. Hocking, The
Coming World Civilization (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1958).
All of these writers are critical of modernity, but carefully examine the
development of its major themes and offer suggestions for how important
elements of threatened traditions may be protected.
[xvi]
To his credit, Dr. Seyyed Hossein Nasr recognizes the need for Muslim
intellectuals to become aware of criticisms of modern Western civilization
by Westerners, but he seems to take such criticism merely as confirmation of
the Traditionalist view that Western civilization is breaking down. See his Traditional
Islam in the Modern World, 83, 307-309.
[xvii]
See Maurice Cranston”s article “Ideology” in the Encyclopaedia
Britannica (CD-ROM 2001 ed.)
[xviii]
See Nasr, Traditional Islam in the Modern World, 21, 306.
[xix] Nasr, Traditional Islam in the Modern World, 17.
[xx] See Quinn, Ch. 13, 247-263.
[xxi] See Quinn, 292.
[xxii] Ananda Coomaraswamy, Am I My Brother”s Keeper? (Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press, 1967), 62, cited in Quinn, 296.
[xxiii] See Traditional Islam in the Modern World, 303-305.
[xxiv] See Muhammad Khatami, “Tradition, Modernity and Development,” in Islam, Liberty and Development (Binghamton: Institute of Global Cultural Studies, 1998), 17-37.
[xxv] Traditional Islam in
the Modern World, 14.
[xxvi] Traditional Islam in the Modern World, 18, 28.
[xxvii] Traditional Islam in the Modern World, 18.
[xxviii] Traditional Islam in the Modern World, 19.
[xxix] Traditional Islam in the Modern World, 21.
[xxx] Traditional Islam in the Modern World, 84.
[xxxi] Traditional Islam and the Modern World, 24, fn. 8.
[xxxii] A. James Reimer, “Doctrinal Renewal and the “Dialectic of Enlightenment””, in Reimer (2001), 56.
[xxxiii] A. James Reimer, “Transcendence, Social Justice, and Pluralism: Three Competing Agendas in Contemporary Theology”, in Reimer (2001), 70.